Kwasi
Wiredu, Tampa, FL
The Need for Conceptual Decolonization in African Philosophy
In June 1980 at the UNESCO conference on "Teaching and Research in
Philosophy in Africa" I advocated a program of conceptual decolonization in
African philosophy.[1]
In
the present discussion I wish to pursue this idea further. I write now with an
even greater sense of urgency, seeing that the intervening decade does not seem
to have brought any indications of a widespread realization of the need for
conceptual decolonization in African philosophy.
By
conceptual decolonization I mean two complementary things. On the negative side,
I mean avoiding or reversing through a critical conceptual self-awareness the
unexamined assimilation in our thought (that is, in the thought of contemporary
African philosophers) of the conceptual frameworks embedded in the foreign
philosophical traditions that have had an impact on African life and thought.
And, on the positive side, I mean exploiting as much as is judicious the
resources of our own indigenous conceptual schemes in our philosophical
meditations on even the most technical problems of contemporary philosophy. The
negative is, of course, only the reverse side of the positive. But I cite it
first because the necessity for decolonization was brought upon us in the first
place by the historical superimposition of foreign categories of thought on African thought systems through colonialism.
This
superimposition has come through three principal avenues. The first is the
avenue of language. It is encountered in the fact that our philosophical
education has generally been in the medium of foreign languages, usually of our
erstwhile colonizers. This is the most fundamental, subtle, pervasive and
intractable circumstance of mental colonization. But the two other avenues,
though grosser by comparison, have been insidious enough. I refer here to the
avenues of religion and politics. Through these have been passed to us legacies
of long-standing religious evangelization, in the one case, and political
tutelage, in the other. I can only touch the tips of these three tremendous
historical icebergs in one discussion.
Take
first, then, the linguistic situation. By definition, the fundamental concepts
of philosophy are the most fundamental categories of human thought. But the
particular modes of thought that yield these concepts may reflect the specifics
of the culture, environment and even the accidental idiosyncracies of the people
concerned. Conceptual idiosyncracy, although an imponderable complication in
human affairs, probably accounts for a vast proportion of the conceptual
disparities among different philosophical traditions, especially the ones in
which individual technical philosophers are deeply implicated. Think, then, of
the possible enormity of the avoidable philosophical deadwood we might be
carrying through our historically enforced acquisition of philosophical training
in the medium of foreign languages. Of course, a similar pessimistic
soul-searching is altogether in place even among the natives of any given
philosophical tradition vis-a-vis their historical inheritance. This is, in
fact, much in evidence in contemporary Western philosophy, for example. But the
position is graver in our situation of cultural otherness, for even ordinary
common sense would deprecate needlessly carrying other peoples
garbage.
What exactly are the concepts am I thinking of here? There is a large
bunch of them, but let me mention only the following: Reality, Being, Existence,
Thing, Object, Entity, Substance, Property, Quality, Truth, Fact, Opinion,
Belief, Knowledge, Faith, Doubt, Certainty, Statement, Proposition, Sentence,
Idea, Mind, Soul, Spirit, Thought, Sensation, Matter, Ego, Self, Person,
Individuality, Community, Subjectivity, Objectivity, Cause, Chance, Reason,
Explanation, Meaning, Freedom, Responsibility, Punishment, Democracy, Justice,
God, World, Universe, Nature, Supernature, Space, Time, Nothingness, Creation,
Life, Death, Afterlife, Morality,
Religion.
In regard to all these concepts the simple recipe for decolonization for
the African is: Try to think them through in your own African language and, on
the basis of the results, review the intelligibility of the associated problems
or the plausibility of the apparent solutions that have tempted you when you
have pondered them in some metropolitan language. The propositions in question
may be about topics that have no special involvement with Africa, but they may
well be about the internalities of an African thought
system.
By the sheer fact of our institutional education, we are likely to have
thought about some at least of these concepts and problems framed in terms of
them using English or French or some such language. The problem is that thinking
about them in English almost inevitably becomes thinking in English about them.
It is just an obvious fact, in Philosophy at least, that one thinks most
naturally in the language of one's education and occupation. But in our case
this means thinking along the lines of conceptual frameworks which may be
significantly different from those embedded in our indigenous languages. In
virtue of this phenomenon, we constantly stand the danger of involuntary mental
de-Africanization unless we consciously and deliberately resort to our own
languages (and culture). It turns out that this form of self-knowledge is not
easy to attain, and it is not uncommon to find highly educated Africans proudly
holding forth on, for instance, the glories of African traditional religion in
an internalized conceptual idiom of a metropolitan origin which distorts
indigenous thought structures out of all recognition.
There is no pretence, of course, that recourse to the African vernacular
must result in instantaneous philosophic revelation. The chances, on the
contrary, are that philosophical errors are evenly distributed among the
heterogeneous races of humankind. Suppose, for example, that a concept, much
employed in, say, English philosophical discourse seems to lose all meaning when
processed in a given African language. This consequence may conceivably be due
to an insufficiency in the African language rather than to an intrinsic defect
in the mode of conceptualization of the foreign language or culture concerned.
How does one determine whether this is so or not? The only way, I suggest, is to
try to reason out the matter on independent grounds. By this I mean that one
should argue in a manner fathomable in both the African and the foreign language
concerned. With that accomplished, it would be clear that the considerations
adduced are not dependent on the peculiarities of the African language in
question. In general, failure to heed this requirement is one of the root causes
of the kinds of conceptual idiosyncracies that, in part, differentiate cultural
traditions of thought.
Notice
that if such independent grounds can be adduced, relativism is false. In many of
the things I have written elsewhere, I have argued against relativism.[2]
Here
I will take it for granted that the theory is false and proceed to give some
illustrations of the procedure of conceptual decolonization that I have been
talking about, so far, in a rather general way. Let us attend, to start with, to
the cluster of epistemological concepts in the list of basic concepts given
above. We mentioned Truth, Fact, Certainty, Doubt, Knowledge, Belief, Opinion
and some more. Now, one very powerful motive for the persistent wrestling with
these concepts in Western epistemology has been the desire to overcome
skepticism, and one very influential form of skepticism has been the clear and
simple form of it encountered in Descartes' methodological skepticism.
Interestingly, classical Greek skepticism was more complex in its argumentation
than the Cartesian version. But, possibly, partly because of its devastating
simplicity and lucidity, it is the latter that has become the driving force of
epistemological inquiry. At peak, the skeptical problem à la Descartes is simply
that so long as my cognition is subject to the possibility of error, it is
uncertain; and so long as it is uncertain, it falls short of knowledge. In the
Meditations the program of doubt starts with the observation that the senses
have proved deceptive in the past and consequently cannot be trusted to give us
knowledge. This consideration is reinforced with the reflection that, in any
case, all our perceptual beliefs might very well be dream illusions. These two
degrees of doubt still leave simple a priori propositions, such as those of
elementary school arithmetic, unscathed. But not for long, for soon Descartes
invokes the hypothesis of an all powerful God, or for fear of the impiety of the
idea, 'some malicious demon of the utmost power' who might make me 'go wrong
every time I add two and three or count the sides of a square'.[3]
Aside
from the dramatic imagery of the hypothesis, what it means is simply that none
of our cognitions or at least none of those considered up to that point are
exempt from the possibility of error. And this is the sole reason why all claims
to certainty must be suspended. As is well known, the only thing that proves
capable of breaking the suspension is the Cogito, the contention that 'I think
therefore I am', which, in the eyes of Descartes, is guaranteed against, not
just error, but indeed the very possibility of it. From all which it is apparent
that for Descartes certainty means the impossibility of
error.
It is important to note that this conception of certainty is not peculiar
to Descartes in Western philosophy. It has held sway in that tradition, before
and since Descartes, over the minds of innumerable philosophers of differing
persuasions. For example, the logical positivist position that empirical
knowledge is incapable of certainty was predicated upon the single consideration
that such cognitions are perpetually open to the possibility of error. This
notion was also entertained (very notably) by C. I. Lewis, the 'conceptual
pragmatist' and other non-positivists in contemporary philosophy.[4]
Yet,
on a little reflection, this understanding of certainty is, or should be, seen
to be rather surprising, for exemption from the possibility of error is nothing
short of infallibility. Accordingly, the quest for certainty[5]
becomes
the quest for infallibility -- as chimerical a quest as ever there was.
Certainly, neither Descartes nor the logical positivists and others are known to
have laid explicit claims to infallibility in any part of their knowledge. How,
then, has this quest for infallibility gone on in actual practice for so long
and exercised so controlling a force in Western epistemology? The answer is that
this is probably due to the fact that it has almost always - not quite always,
because it is explicit in Plato[6]
-
gone on concealed under the designation of certainty.[7]
But,
now, that concealment seems to be at all possible only in a language like
English. I find it hard to think that anyone could so much as make a beginning
of such concealment in my own language, namely, Akan. In this language to say 'I
am certain' I should have to say something which would translate back into
English in some such wise as 'I know very clearly' (Minim pefee or Minim
koronyee) or 'I very much know' (Minim papaapa). For the more impersonal
locution 'It is certain' we would say something like 'It is indeed so' (Ampa) or
'It is true' (Eye nokware) or 'It is rightly or very much so' (Ete saa
potee)[8]
or
'It is something lying out there' (Eye ade a eda ho). None of these turns of
phrase has the slightest tendency to invoke any intimations of infallibility. To
suggest that in order to say of something that ete saa potee I must claim
exemption from the possibility of error would strike any average or above
average Akan as, to say the least, odd in the extreme. (The Akans are given to
methodological understatement.) Any Akan will tell you, even at a pre-analytical
level of discourse, that just because it is possible for me to go wrong, it does
not follow that I can never go right. A popular adage says 'If you look
carefully, you find out' (Wo hwehwe asem mu a wuhu mu.)
This
is not, by any means, to imply that skepticism is unknown in Akan society. But
in that environment a skeptic is not one who is moved to doubt the possibility
of knowledge through viewing certainty under the pretensions of infallibility.
S/he is simply an akyinyegyefo, literally, one who debates, in other words, one
who is apt to question or challenge received beliefs. And the challenges are
ones that are inspired by more stringent criteria of justification (whether in
perceptual or conceptual discourse) than is customary. This form of skepticism
is akin to the variety which is manifested in the disputing of, say, the belief
in God on the grounds that good reasons are lacking. That is a well established
usage of the concept of skepticism in English discourse. In comparison with it,
the skepticism of Descartes, even as a methodological foil, seems highly
misconceived. And the essential reason is not because it is not supportable by
Akan linguistic categories or epistemologic intuitions, but rather that it
involves a fallacy, namely, that of confusing certainty with infallibility of
which all judicious thinking should steer clear, whether in the medium of Akan,
English or Eskimo. The relevance of Akan language here is only this: that (in my
opinion) any Akan who reflects on the matter from the standpoint of his or her
own language is very unlikely to be drawn into that
fallacy.
I will illustrate this
relevance further by means of another example still involving Descartes. His
Cogito has already acquired quite a place in African philosophy, dialectically
speaking. Mbiti has commented, by implication, that 'I think therefore I am'
betrays an individualist outlook, to which he has counterposed what he takes to
be the African communalist axiom: 'I am because we are, and since we are,
therefore I am'.[9]
Before
Mbiti, Senghor had expressed a characteristic 'participatory' reaction to the
Cogito on behalf of the African: Spurning "the logician's conjunction
'therefore'" as unnecessary, "the Negro African", according to Senghor, "could
say, 'I feel, I dance the Other; I am".[10]
But,
by far the most conceptually interesting African comment on Descartes' claim was
that by Alexis Kagame who pointed out that throughout the Bantu zone a remark
like 'I think, therefore I am' would be unintelligible for "the verb 'to be' is
always followed by an attribute or an adjunct of place: I am good, big etc., I
am in such and such a place, etc. Thus the utterance '.. therefore, I am' would
prompt the question 'You are ... what ... where?"[11] Kagame's point holds very exactly
in the Akan language also, and I would like to amplify it a little and explore
some of its consequences for the Cogito and other philosophical
suppositions.
For our present purposes the most relevant fact regarding the concept of
existence in Akan is that it is intrinsically spatial, in fact, locative; to
exist is to be there, at some place.[12]
'Wo
ho' is the Akan rendition of 'exist'. Without the 'ho', which means 'there', in
other words, 'some place', all meaning is lost. 'Wo', standing alone, does not
in any way correspond to the existential sense of the verb 'to be', which has no
place in Akan syntax or semantics. Recur now to 'I think, therefore I am', and
consider the existential component of that attempted message as it comes across
in Akan. In that medium the information communicated can only be that I am
there, at some place; which means that spatial location is essential to the idea
of my existence. It is scarcely necessary to point out that this is
diametrically opposed to Descartes' construal of the particular cogitation under
scrutiny. As far as he is concerned, the alleged fact that one can doubt all
spatial existences and yet at the same time be absolutely certain of one's
existence under the dispensation of the Cogito implied that the 'I', the ego,
exists as a spiritual, non-spatial, immaterial entity. The incongruity of this
sequence of thought, quite apart from any non sequiturs, must leap to the Akan
eye. There is, of course, nothing sacrosanct about the linguistic categories of
Akan thought. But, given the prima facie incoherence of the Cartesian suggestion
within the Akan conceptual framework, an Akan thinker who scrutinizes the matter
in his or her own language must feel the need for infinitely more proof of
intelligibility than if s/he contemplated it in English or some cognate
language. On the other hand, if on due reflection, the Akan thinker becomes
persuaded of the soundness of Descartes' argumentation, that would not
necessarily be a loss to conceptual decolonization, for that program does not
envisage the automatic refusal of all foreign food for thought. I might mention,
though, for what it is worth, that in my own case the exercise proves severely
negative.
Negative or not, the implications of the Akan conception of existence for
many notable doctrines of Western metaphysics and theology require the most
rigorous examination. It is well known that inquiries into the explanation of
the existence of the universe enjoy a high regard among many Western
metaphysicians and is one of the favorite pursuits of philosophical theology.
However, a simple argument, inspired by the locative conception of existence
embedded in the Akan language, would seem, quite radically, to subvert any such
project: To have a location is to be in the universe. Therefore, if to exist
means to be at some location, then to think of the existence of the universe is
to dabble in sheer babble. This reasoning does not, by the way, mean that it is
so much as false to say that the universe exists. More drastically, it means
that it does not make sense to say of the universe either that it exists or that
it does not exist. But this same impropriety must obviously afflict any idea of
a being who supposedly brought the universe into existence. If one cannot speak
of the universe either as existing or not existing then neither can one speak of
its having been brought into existence. Since the Akans, in fact, generally
believe in a supreme being, it must occur to the student of Akan thought that
the Akan conception of that being cannot be of a type with, say, the ex-nihilo
creator of Christianity but rather must be of the character of a quasi demiurgic
cosmic architect.[13]
Here now comes the challenge of conceptual decolonization. Have
Akan Christians, of whom there are many, confronted the conceptual disparity
thus revealed and opted for the Christian notion in consequence of critical
reflection or have they perhaps unconsciously glossed over them or, worse still,
assimilated the Akan conceptions to those of Christianity or vice versa? One
answer that any of them would be exceedingly ill-advised to attempt would be to
say that religious matters are not a subject of argument or analysis but,
instead, of faith. For where two incompatible faiths are available through
indigenous culture and foreign efforts of proselytism, to go along with the
latter for no conscious reason would be the quintessence of supine
irrationality. It would, besides, betray a colonized mentality. Again, the
suggestion is not that profession of the Christian persuasion on the part of an
African is automatically a mark of the colonial mentality. In general, only the
unreasoning profession of a religion with an association with colonialism merits
that description.
Actually, if it comes to
that, the unreasoning profession of any religion, indigenous or foreign, is not
a model of intellectual virtue. The Akans believe traditionally that the
existence of the supreme being, as conceived by them, is so obvious that no one
need teach it to a child. (Hardly any Akan adult brought up in Akanland can be
ignorant of the Akan saying Obi nkyere akwadaa Nyame, which means 'No one
teaches the child the supreme being'.) The implication is not that no reflection
goes into the acquisition of the belief, but rather that it takes only a little
of it. If so, the least an Akan thinker who embraces a foreign conception of the
Supreme being can do, if s/he is mindful of the Akan tradition, is to make sure
that there are good reasons for that metaphysical belief mutation. Otherwise
s/he cannot escape attributions of the colonial mentality. I myself do not
believe either in the Akan or the Christian or any kind of supreme being, though
(a) I find the Akan concept more intelligible than the Christian one (which, in
truth, I find of zero intelligibility) and (b) I am of the opinion that the
locative concept of existence found in the Akan language is more conducive to
sound metaphysics than its rivals.[14]
Although,
my convictions in these matters are quite stout, I enjoy no sense of
infallibility, and I do not rule out the possibility of being argued out of them
in one direction or another. I might stress in the present connection, though,
that on any appropriate occasion I would be prepared to try quite industriously
to offer rational justifications for these intellectual commitments or
avoidances. Hopefully, I might thereby be able to make some little progress
towards freeing my own mind of any vestiges of the colonial mentality. It is, at
all events, impossible to overemphasize the necessity for the rational
evaluation of religious belief in contemporary African philosophy, for the
unexamined espousal of foreign religions, often in unleavened admixture with
indigenous ones, is the cause of some of the severest distortions of the African
consciousness.
It is equally obvious that Africa has suffered unspeakably from the
political legacies of colonialism. Unhappily she continues in this sphere to
suffer, directly or indirectly, from the political tutelage of the West. This is
due to a variety of causes, frequently not of Africa's own making. But it is
impossible not to include in the inventory of causes the apparently willing
suspension of belief in African political traditions on the part of many
contemporary African leaders of opinion. After years of subjection to the untold
severities of one-party dictatorships in Africa, there is now visible enthusiasm
among many African intellectuals and politicians for multi-party democracy.
Indeed, to many, democracy seems to be synonymous with the multi-party system.
This enthusiasm is plainly not unconnected with foreign pressures; but there is
little indication, in African intellectual circles, of a critical evaluation of the
particular doctrine of democracy involved in the multi-party approach to
government. Yet that political doctrine seems clearly antithetical to the
philosophy of government underlying traditional statecraft. The advocates of the
one-party system at least made an effort to link that system with African
traditional forms of government. That linkage was uniformly spurious, and in
some cases, perhaps disingenuous.[15]
But
there was at least an intent to harmonize the contemporary practice of politics
in Africa with what was considered viable in the traditional counterpart. The
lack of evidence of any such intent in more recent times must raise legitimate
fears of a new lease of life for the colonial mentality in contemporary African
political thought.
What,
then can we learn from the traditional philosophy of government that might be of
relevance to the contemporary quest for democracy? Traditional African
governments displayed an interesting variety of forms. But amidst that variety,
if the anthropological evidence is anything to go by, there was a certain unity
of approach, at any rate among a large number of them.[16]
And
that unity consisted in the insistence on consensus as the basis of political
decision-making. Now, this conception of decision-making is very distinct from
that which makes the will of the majority, by and large, decisive. Since
majorities are easier to come by than consensus, it must be assumed that the
decided preference for consensus was a deliberate transcending of
majoritarianism. Assuredly, it was not an unreflecting preference; it can be
shown to have been based on reflection on first principles. And the most
fundamental principle here is not far to seek. It may be stated as follows: In
any council of representatives -- traditional councils usually consisted of
representatives elected by kinship units -- the representative status of a
member is rendered vacuous in any decision in which s/he does not have an impact
or an involvement. And any such voiding of the will constitutes a deprivation of
the right of the representative, and through him, of his constituency to be
represented in the making of a decision that affects their interests (broadly
construed). By any reckoning, that should be considered a violation of a human
right.
It is or should be well-known that
majoritarian democracy, that is, the form of democracy involving more than a
single party in which, in principle, the party that wins the most parliamentary
seats forms the government, is apt to render the will of a substantial minority
of no effect, or almost of no effect, in the making of many important decisions
affecting their interests. It is, then, from a consensus-oriented standpoint, a
system that is frequently deleterious of genuine representation, that is,
representation beyond parliamentary window-dressing. It is obvious, by the same
token, that a democracy based on consensus must of necessity be of a non-party
character, not in the sense that political associations must be proscribed,
which, of course would be authoritarian, but simply in the sense that majority
at the polls need not be an exclusive basis of government formation. Perhaps,
some proponents and practitioners of the one-party system confused the one-party
with the non-party concept. May the former never return to
Africa!
The detailed and systematic working out of a system of the sort barely
hinted at above in the contemporary world, as distinct from the comparatively
simpler circumstances of traditional times, must encounter many difficulties.
But its serious exploration would at least show some sensitivity to the need for
intellectual decolonization in African political life. Besides it might
conceivably lead to a system that might bring peace and the possibility of
prosperity.
Most
of the considerations relating to the need for decolonization urged in this
discussion were derived from facts about language. I was, accordingly,
constrained to focus on the only African language about which I am somewhat
confident. Africans from other linguistic areas are invited to compare and, if
appropriate, contrast, using their own languages. The principle of
decolonization will, however, remain the same. My own hope is that if this
program is well enough and soon enough implemented, it will no longer be
necessary to talk of the Akan of Yoruba or Luo concept of this or that, but
simply of the concept of whatever is in question with a view to advancing
philosophical suggestions that can be immediately evaluated on independent
grounds.
Nor, is the process of decolonization without interest to non-African
thinkers, for any enlargement of conceptual options is an instrumentality for
the enlargement of the human mind everywhere.
Notes
[1]
K. Wiredu: Philosophical Research and Teaching in Africa: Some Suggestions
[Toward Conceptual Decolonization]. In:
Teaching and Research in Philosophy: Africa. Paris 1984.
[2] See, for example, (a) Philosophy and an
African Culture. London 1980,
p. 216-232, (b) Are there
Cultural Universals? In: Quest.
Philosophical Discussions 4, No. 2 (1990).
[3]The Philosophical Writings of
Descartes. Vol.
II. Transl. J. Cottingham, R. Stoothoff and D. Murdoch. New York 1984, p.
14.
[4]
See Norman Malcolm's critique of Lewis and others on this issue in his The
Verification Argument. In:
M. Black (ed), Philosophical Analysis (1950).
[5]
Of the great Western philosophers none, perhaps, was more scathing of this quest
for certainty than John Dewey, witness his The Quest for Certainty.
New
York 1930 (19602). Yet, in the apparent resurgence of pragmatism in recent times
it is not clear how well and truly the allurements of that ideal have been
resisted, all the fulminations against 'foundationalism'
notwithstanding.
[6]
See Plato: The Republic, for
example V, 478. In the translation by F. MacDonald Cornford. New York 1945, p.
185.
[7] Infallibility has marched on with other
disguises too, such as Indubitability, Incorrigibility, Absolute validity, etc.
For example, some of the logical positivists, such as Schlick (but unlike
Neurath) insisted that an
'observation sentence' (as also an analytic one) is indubitable or absolutely
certain in the sense that it makes 'little sense to ask whether I might be
deceived in regard to its truth'. See M. Schlick: The Foundation of
Knowledge. In: A.J. Ayer (ed),
Logical Positivism. Glencoe 1959, p. 225. Compare O. Neurath: Protocol
Sentences in the same volume.
[8]
An entry in a dictionary written long ago by German scholars is quite useful:
(a) J. G. Christaller, C. W. Locher and J. Zimmermann: A Dictionary,
English-Tshi (Asanti). Basel 1874, p. 46: Certain, it is --
,
ewom ampa; Certainly, adv.
ampa, nokware, potee.
[9]
J.S. Mbiti: African Religions and Philosophy. London
1991, p. 108.
[10]
L..S. Senghor: The African Road to Socialism (1960). In:
On African Socialism. Transl. M. Cook. New York 1964.
[11]
A. Kagame: Empirical Apperception of Time and the Conception of History in
Bantu Thought. In:
P. Ricoeur (ed), Cultures and Time. Paris 1976, p. 95.
[12]
In his An Essay on African Philosophical Thought Kwame
Gyekye very correctly insists on the locative character of the Akan concept of
existence. (See Cambridge 1987, p.179 and 181).
[13]
See further, K. Wiredu: (a) Universalism and Particularism in Religion from
an African Perspective. In:
Journal of Humanism and Ethical Religion, Vol. 3, No. 1, 1990. Reprinted in D.
Kolak and R. Martin (eds), Self, Cosmos, God. New York 1992 under the title
Religion from an African Point of View and (b) African Philosophical
Tradition: A Case Study of the Akan. In:
The Philosophical Forum XXIV, No. 1-3, (1992-93), p. 41
ff.
[14] I am aware of the objection that a
locative conception of existence will have
to be dumb in respect of the existence of abstract objects, like, say,
numbers. My reply is that abstract objects are objects only in a figurative
sense, and figurative locations are not hard to come by.
[15]
The extremely useful anthology of Readings in African Political Thought.
London
1975, that was edited by G.-C.M. Mutiso and S.W. Rohio included in its VIIth
part some of the best arguments for and against the one-party system.
[16]
See, for example, M. Fortes and E.E. Evans-Pritchard (eds): African Political
Systems. Oxford
1940.
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